Tag Archives: race

Five points of discussion for conversations about racial injustice

By Amanda L. Giordano April 10, 2019

When teaching multicultural counseling courses, I often get questions from White students about how they can leverage their White privilege to help change America’s broken social system that privileges some while oppressing others. In addition to continuing to explore their own White racial identities, I encourage these students to initiate conversations with other White people in their lives about racial injustice. As more White individuals become aware of their White privilege and the racial injustice that exists in our country, greater degrees of systemic change are possible.

Counselors and counselors-in-training are uniquely equipped to facilitate these discussions, given their strong interpersonal skills and passion for advocacy. The goal of the conversation is to invite White individuals to engage in a dialogue about systemic privilege and oppression rather than become defensive. In an effort to assist White individuals who desire to initiate conversations with other White people about racial injustice, this article provides five possible points of discussion.

 

1) What characteristics do we attribute to race? Since the start of this country, we have fallen prey to an insidious scheme based on faulty logic: attributing characteristics and behaviors to race that have no rational correlation. We do it so frequently and so automatically that it often goes unrecognized. For example, if a Latino contractor does not complete his work satisfactorily, we are tempted to conclude, “Latino contractors cannot be trusted.” We erroneously attribute personal work ethic to race. Or, if we are cut off in traffic by a Black woman, we somehow link her behavior to the fact that she is Black rather than to an isolated driving decision.

When we pause and reflect on what characteristics and behaviors we attribute to race, we may be surprised by what we find. Logically, we know that skin color, eye shape and hair texture have no correlation with an individual’s morality, intelligence or trustworthiness — yet we have been socialized to make these associations. This is something that we need to unlearn.

Consider what would happen if someone watched a documentary about Charles Manson and concluded that he was a cult leader because he was White. We likely would explain that Manson’s role as a cult leader was the result of myriad factors (psychological state, early childhood experiences, environment, etc.) and that his behavior cannot be attributed to his race. In the same way, we need to examine the correlations we make between a person’s race and her or his personal characteristics or behaviors. How logical are these attributions? 

2) Do we desire people of color to “act White”? Many White people are genuinely trying to learn how to be culturally competent, but sometimes they can get stuck in a particular mentality: “I enjoy diversity … just as long as people of color act/talk/think in ways that I am familiar with.” Whether intentionally or unintentionally, we may encourage people of color to deemphasize their unique cultural identities to fit into the mold of White cultural norms. As a result, many people of color expend a lot of energy working to make White people feel comfortable around them (such as expressing only certain aspects of themselves while in the company of White individuals).

What is the cause of our desire for people of color to “act White”? It’s likely that we feel more at ease with what is familiar to us. There is a certain way of being that we deem “normal,” and it makes us comfortable when people behave accordingly. Therefore, the desire for people of color to “act White” is for our comfort.

Sadly, we rarely consider the discomfort that people of color face as they navigate White cultural norms every day. Often, their culturally diverse ways of being are not reflected back by those around them. As a result, people of color are forced to learn all the nuances of White cultural norms, whereas White individuals know very little about the cultural norms of other racial/ethnic groups.

What would it be like to let go of the strong grasp we have on our own cultural preferences and enter into the preferences of others (despite the unfamiliarity)? “Different” doesn’t have to be synonymous with “negative”; different can be exciting, invigorating, enlightening. Can we create space for all people to be proud of their cultural identities and to express those identities in whatever ways they choose?

3) Do we acknowledge that multiple interpretations exist for past and current events? Education is an amazing gift, and the opportunity to learn is something we should never take for granted or outgrow. At the same time, we must acknowledge that the stories we’ve read and the accounts we’ve learned in school represent one perspective, one side of the story. Authors of textbooks and class curricula write from their own frames of reference — they are not neutral, blank slates who simply report the facts. These authors make interpretations, derive meaning and present information from their personal lenses. It is important to consider that authors from different cultural backgrounds may have different interpretations, derive different meanings and present information differently, simply due to their frame of reference.

Consider an example from history: the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. Depending on the perspective of the storyteller, this could have been a brutal uprising against the Spanish who were dedicated to bettering the community (Spanish as protagonists) or a liberating revolt in which oppressed Pueblo Native Americans took back the land that was rightfully theirs (Native Americans as protagonists). There are always multiple perspectives to every event, and it is important for us to consider differing viewpoints. Can we concede that what we think we know is only one perspective and that multiple, equally valid viewpoints exist?

4) Does defensiveness keep us from truly listening to people of color? It is important to consider what comes up for us when we hear people of color share their experiences of oppression. If our initial response is defensiveness, it is likely that our focus in that moment is off. Rather than focusing on the lived experience of the speaker, we are focused on what the information says about us. We are not attending to the oppression of our neighbors and how they feel; instead, we are attending to the impact of the information on our own sense of self.

One strategy that can help us maintain the proper focus is to listen with the goal of understanding rather than evaluating. Often when we listen, we are evaluating what we have just heard (Is this information right or wrong? Do I agree or disagree? What does this mean about me?) and simultaneously developing responses and counterpoints in our head. This process keeps the focus on us — our reactions, our beliefs and our assessment — and gets in the way of truly listening. There certainly are times when evaluation in conversation is necessary, but when people of color are sharing their experiences of oppression, it is more helpful to listen with the intent to understand, not to evaluate.

If we feel ourselves becoming defensive, we should do a quick mental check-in: “Am I evaluating what is being said and focusing on what it means about me?” If so, perhaps we should press pause and mentally switch our focus back to the speaker (“What was that like for her? How did she feel when it happened? How did this experience affect her life?”). When a person of color shares her or his experience, can we truly listen with the goal of understanding rather than evaluating?

5) We could do nothing about racial injustice, but do we want to? If we are honest, we all know that something is wrong with our social system. It is clear that people are treated differently as a result of their race. Consider two high school students (one White and one Black) who get caught with marijuana. Sadly, it is more likely that one of these students will be sent home with a warning (to a family who will “get him back on track”), while the other will be ushered into the criminal justice system. Or consider two identically qualified job applicants — one with the last name Jones and the other with the last name Hussain — who submit their résumés for an open position. Again, it is likely that one will get the interview because he seems like a “better fit,” whereas the other will stay on the job market.

We know, just by looking at the world around us, that inequity exists and that things are unjust. We also know that we can go our whole lives without saying or doing anything about it. We can choose to live in silent disapproval and never challenge the status quo, but is that what we want? Saying and doing nothing despite evidence of racial injustice likely means that we are living in opposition to our values (e.g., equality, justice, respect for the innate worth of all human beings), which can lead to incongruence and cognitive dissonance.

Also, if we allow our unjust system to continue, we likely will never experience the true joy that comes from living in a diverse community and celebrating cultural differences. We will not have the opportunity to see the world from different perspectives or to feel the excitement of experiencing new cultural norms. We may never form deep, meaningful relationships with those from different racial/ethnic backgrounds or experience the gifts that come only through diverse friendships. If we remain silent, we may be living life, but are we living it to its fullest? Those with privilege have a responsibility to leverage their unearned advantages to combat injustice and oppression. What does that look like for us personally?

There are many more talking points to consider, but these might help start conversations with White people in our spheres of influence. Let’s remember that as counselors, we have a unique set of interpersonal skills that can be extremely useful when facilitating conversations about racial injustice. We are primed to listen well, validate, and gently present alterative viewpoints. Perhaps we can all commit to using our skills to facilitate meaningful dialogue that could lead to lasting, systemic change.

 

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Amanda L. Giordano is an assistant professor in the Department of Counseling and Human Development Services at the University of Georgia. Her research interests include addictions counseling, multiculturalism, and religious and spiritual issues in counseling. She is a licensed professional counselor and national certified counselor. Contact her at amanda.giordano@uga.edu.

 

Letters to the editor: ct@counseling.org

Counseling Today reviews unsolicited articles written by American Counseling Association members. To access writing guidelines and tips for having an article accepted for publication, go to ct.counseling.org/feedback.

 

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Opinions expressed and statements made in articles appearing on CT Online should not be assumed to represent the opinions of the editors or policies of the American Counseling Association.

Counseling individuals of African descent

By Malik Aqueel Raheem and Kimberly A. Hart March 5, 2019

In 1963, James Baldwin wrote that to be Black and relatively conscious is to be in a state of rage almost all the time. The historical record of people of African descent is filled with triumphs and trials. The great empires and kingdoms of Africa, including Egypt, Mali and the Moors, experienced vast triumphs. Records of tremendous successes, such as those led by Mansa Musa, Hannibal, Queen Nana Yaa Asantewa, Shaka Zulu and Amenhotep IV, demonstrate the great history of people of African descent prior to the trans-Atlantic slave trade and colonization.

The trans-Atlantic slave trade had a unique impact on Africa and on individuals of African descent. Historians report that Brazil was one of the last governments to make slavery illegal in the Americas, in 1888. However, long after slavery formally ended in the United States — in 1865 with ratification of the 13th Amendment — the psychosocial oppression of people of African descent continued. For the next 100 years, Black codes and Jim Crow laws were influential in creating a second-class citizenship for people of African descent. In 1964, the Civil Rights Act was signed, appearing to offer the full promise of freedom, but the civil right for freedom remained existent in theory only. A separate existence dominated by institutional racism — highlighted by such laws and policies as redlining, the federal crime bill of 1994 and the school-to-prison pipeline — was the actualized manifestation of post-slavery experience for many individuals of African descent.

In 1991, the movie Boyz N the Hood included an opening scene of four young males of African descent walking through the neighborhood of South-Central Los Angeles. This could have been any urban area in America during the height of the crack epidemic and the infamous “war on drugs.” One of the four young men shows his peers the remains of a dead body among the weeds of an empty lot. Similar scenes have transpired regularly across the United States and throughout the African diaspora. It stands as one example of the trauma being experienced in many urban areas and inner cities today.

The crises of institutionalized racism, race-based oppression and racial trauma are significant aspects of the intersectionality of individuals of African descent. Counselors need to understand the meaning and impact of this intersectionality on the students and clients they counsel. Understanding the core constructs of historical and complex crisis and trauma for individuals of African descent who present in counseling is an essential phase for developing counselor efficacy.

Definitions

The information presented in this article can be understood and discussed using the definitions that follow. Scholars such as Derrick Bell, Patricia Williams, Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw and Mari Matsuda have contributed to critical race theory. According to the theory, racism has three levels: institutional, individual and internalized. Racism is to be understood as discrimination, marginalization or oppression inequitably inflicted upon individuals identified as belonging to a socially constructed racial category. Racism requires the combination of prejudice, power, access and privilege. For an individual to be racist, he or she must have access to an element of power and privilege to oppress the group being prejudicially discriminated against.

In the 2007 article “Racial microaggressions in everyday life,” Derald Wing Sue and colleagues defined racial microaggressions. Racial microaggressions are brief and commonplace verbal, behavioral or environmental indignities that are used, unintentionally or intentionally, to communicate hostile, derogatory or negative racial slights and insults to the targeted person or group based on their socially constructed racial category.

In 2003, William Smith coined the phrase racial battle fatigue. The term captures the psychological attrition that people of color experience in their daily encounters as they try to deflect racial insults, stereotypes and discrimination. Racial battle fatigue is the cumulative debilitating effect of being on guard against attacks about or because of one’s socially constructed racial category. It is also a theoretical framework for examining social-emotional-psychological stress responses such as frustration, anger, exhaustion, physical avoidance, psychological withdrawal, acceptance of racial stereotypes, and verbal, nonverbal or physical fighting back related to the experience of racism and racial microaggressions in acute episodes or chronic intervals.

Culture is a collective constellation of behavioral norms, values, spirituality, traditions, history, language and unique variables such as food, music, dance and clothing that guide and influence a people’s cognitive and affective complexity. This in turn determines their behavioral response to life circumstances. Culture frequently is identified by ethnic populations. However, the concept of culture is not restricted by ethnic groupings. Microcultural norms influence the unique intersectionality experiences of microcommunities and individuals within identified cultural groups.

Intersectionality is a term coined by Crenshaw in 1989. It is used to recognize systemic influences on individual identity, positionality, access and experience narratives. The primary influence on Crenshaw’s discussion of intersectionality was the exclusion of differential narratives of women of African descent during the feminist movement in the United States. Intersectionality is used in identification of nonmajority sociopolitical experiences that were suppressed by individuals operating from racist and heterosexist sociopolitical majority narratives. Intersectionality is understood to encompass microcultural influences such as religious diversity, nation of origin diversity, gender expression diversity, sexual orientation diversity, ethnic diversity and generational diversity.

White supremacy is the belief and practice that individuals who racially identify as White are superior to all other races, especially to people of African descent or Black people. Within this belief system, people of Whiteness and White culture are considered rightful dominators in dictating normalcy and social policies. Neely Fuller said, “If you do not understand White supremacy, what it is and how it works, everything else you think you understand will confuse you.” The supremacy of Whiteness, like racial categorization, is a sociocultural myth. Nevertheless, these constructs influence trauma.

Trauma is defined as an emotional response to distressing or life-threatening events. Traumatic events overwhelm a person’s ability to cope, leaving the person fearful of injury, mutilation or death. Trauma has affective, cognitive and behavioral influences on human development and functioning. Some trauma is communal in that a collective of individuals sharing some community or temporal space connection is affected by a single traumatic event (e.g., the trans-Atlantic slave trade). Individual trauma affects one individual at one point in time. Complex trauma is identified by compound experiences (i.e., more than one traumatic event is experienced before the healing of a previous trauma or serves to restimulate a traumatic response to a distressing event that was previously managed). Trauma can manifest through vicarious experiences, transgenerational events or the experience of persistent adverse events that may not have been traumatic in isolation. There are different types of trauma and levels of traumatic responses. Trauma is individualized on the basis of perceptions of events and the person’s ability to cope in the present moment of the crisis.

Race-related trauma

A multicultural assessment of problematic behavior for people of African descent should not be limited to a description of mental and emotional deficits or to observations of atypical externalized behaviors. An accurate multicultural assessment must include responses to psychosocial and environmental conditions in which the observed behavior might be a normative and rational response. Behavioral pathology of people of African descent can be a consequence of ecological systems rather than intrapsychological deficits.

Racism is a psychological disease; racism is pathology cultivated through transgenerational neglect, and it has negative influences on perpetrators of racism, victims of racism and racism survivors. Unfortunately, as individuals in society have refused treatment for so long, people of African descent have continued to experience overt and covert culture-deteriorating suffering and trauma as the result of being targets of racism. Racism is both extremely common and extremely complex. Racism is entrenched in societal history, institutions and policies, with the exerted supremacy of Whiteness perpetrated and perpetuated as a societal norm.

Racism is pathology of power marked by ignorance. In 2013, racism scholar and healing racism advocate Lee Mun Wah described the privilege of numbness as an outcome of racism that is experienced by individuals of Whiteness. The privilege of numbness is a paradoxical term used to articulate the adverse impact of racism that influences the ability of individuals of Whiteness to perpetuate racism. Privilege in this equation of racism is one’s positionality of normativity. This privilege is the gift of psychological and emotional numbness resulting in not having to think about:

  • The construct of race or racism
  • How racism is oppressive
  • How complicit and explicit racists are advantaged in direct relationship to the oppressive trauma of individuals of African descent

This article focuses on direct counseling for individuals of African descent. However, it should be noted that healing the trauma of racism needs to include healing the numbness of racists. In general, this includes individuals of Whiteness within institutions of Whiteness reallocating their forcibly gained and complicity perpetuated power that has been used for oppressing individuals through policies and institutional norms.

Individuals of African descent commonly experience racial microaggressions. Racial microaggressions are communications of assumptions, including assumptions of intellectual inferiority, assumptions of criminality, assumed superiority of White values and culture, and assumed universality of the Black experience. People of African descent experience unrelenting forms of direct, vicarious and institutional oppression, marginalization, discrimination and microaggressions. Many of these incidents manifest as hypersurveillance, stigmatization, provocative irritations and recurrent indignities, and people of African descent experience these microaggressions daily. Microaggressive events can accumulate and compound into experiences of racial battle fatigue and race-based trauma, some of which is experienced by a collective group of individuals during the same time period.

Community-experienced trauma

One example of community trauma is the economic devastation in communities of people of African descent resulting from periods of deindustrialization in many urban areas. The convergence of deindustrialization and racial desegregation created losses in vital social and economic capital among communities of African descent. Increases in unemployment and underemployment quickly snowballed into lost wealth and concentrated poverty within communities of African descent.

Although deindustrialization was not targeted racism, the intersection of racism was a compounding factor in the unfortunate and traumatic impact on communities of African descent. Within this atmosphere of community poverty and a reduction in already sparse resources, a dynamic and traumatic upsurge of violence, drugs and institutionalized mass incarceration was also experienced in many of these communities.

Another example of community trauma is manifested through interpersonal violence and economic deprivation within communities of African descent. Men of African descent are the primary targets of this trauma. Nonetheless, women and children of African descent are also exposed to violence in the streets, violence in the schools and violence in the homes. The violence experienced within communities of African descent is a multifaceted intersection of trauma. Structural and institutional racism and oppression have created pandemic conditions of poverty and violence in these communities. By oppressive design, these communities have been deprived access to develop viable, legal and consistent wealth-producing economic avenues. Racist, oppressive and marginalized social structures have translated into drug, sex and weapons trafficking becoming the most consistently accessible sources of economic survival for communities of African descent.

Men of African descent

Men of African descent are disproportionately represented among both perpetrators and victims of violent crimes. According to the National Center for Health Statistics in 2017, men of African descent were nine times more likely than White men to be victims of homicide. Historically, men of African descent were (and continue to be) feared as a threat to the status quo of White supremacy. This social fear remains cloaked in racial stereotypes today. Stereotypically, men of African descent are prejudicially viewed as intimidating, scary and dangerous.

Educational disparities have created a cultural experience known as the school-to-prison pipeline within communities of African descent. The school-to-prison pipeline refers to policies and practices that push children at risk for school failure and civic disengagement due to poverty and marginalization out of the classroom and into the juvenile and criminal justice systems. Current policies such as “zero tolerance” in disciplinary actions have resulted in more suspensions, expulsions and even arrests by law enforcement officers who are typically assigned to schools in areas that are predominantly populated by people of African descent. Students of African descent are six times more likely than White students to be affected by such policies.

Women of African descent

Multigenerational and transgenerational trauma — in the form of coercive segregation of female/male units during slavery, lynchings, sexual violence, murder and intimate partner violence in different forms — have historically been a part of life for women of African descent.

It was previously documented that women on average made 71 cents to every dollar that men made; in comparison, women of color made 65 cents. Reports in 2018 included a marginal increase, with women in America making an average of 80 cents for every dollar that men made. However, that average included a decrease for women of African descent, who received only 63 cents per dollar that men made.

Violence perpetrated by men who are usually their community partners is one of the leading causes of death among women of African descent. A complicated lack of protection from men who were their life mates was a strategy that slave owners and post-slavery oppressors used to dismantle communities of African descent. This also prolonged trauma responses within these communities.

Another part of the marginalization and trauma for women of African descent involves their social image. Within literature and media, Black women are often stereotyped as one of four archetypes: Jezebel, Mammy, Matriarch and Sapphire. Jezebel is characterized as a woman who uses her sexuality as a weapon. Although these women do not necessarily engage in sexual relations, they utilize the lure of sexual possibility and overt sexual innuendo to navigate access and fulfillment of their life desires. Mammy is the woman primarily observed in roles of upkeeping other households; historically, she was the maintainer of a White family’s home and children. The Matriarch is the head of household of the Black family. Also called Medea or big momma, these woman provide protection, wisdom, connection, gospel and community history to the family.

Traditional family structures within communities of African descent include extended family units that are seamlessly interwoven into the family concept. The Matriarch was often the oldest living woman in the family unit, whereas Sapphires were usually women who had an aggressive attitude toward men. These woman were full-hearted and physically strong. They often worked to match men in traditionally male roles, which is often portrayed as an emasculation of their male counterparts. Sapphires are also portrayed as lacking maternal drive and striving for individual equality to the point of pushing men away. The strength and community utility of these archetypes are frequently ignored, whereas exoticism and exploitation of these stereotypes are perpetuated as a means of ongoing marginalization of women of African descent.

Counseling approaches and interventions

As individuals of African descent experience various adversities, crises and traumas related to racism and cultural discrimination on individual, community and generational levels, counselors can offer supports for healing trauma. Counselors must be aware of this history and the current sociopolitical institutions that traumatize and retraumatize individuals of African descent before healing work can begin.

Postmodern, humanistic and cognitive approaches have proved to be efficacious for counseling people of African descent. Other approaches are also being used with this population, however. For example, an African-centered psychological approach has been created as an alternative paradigm. This approach is grounded in traditional African spiritual philosophy but can easily be adapted for the specific religion/spirituality of the person of African descent. Because counseling is a sacred and spiritual relationship between the counselor and the client, it is important that the foundation of the therapeutic relationship be built on authenticity, trust and respect. Important interventions for counseling individuals of African descent include a focus on identity congruence, invitation for repair and the use of spiritual or religious connections salient to the individual or community.

Identity congruence: Culturally competent counselors need to be knowledgeable and sensitive to ethnic and racial issues. Ethnic identity is an aspect of a person’s social identity and self-concept derived from knowledge of their membership in a social group and the value and emotional significance they attach to that membership. Racial identity is one’s psychological response to one’s race. Racial identity reflects the extent to which the person identifies with a particular racial or ethnic group, the person’s self-perceptions because of their identified race and how that identification influences perceptions, emotions and behaviors toward people from other racial/ethnic groups.

Invitation for repair: Multicultural competence principles are rooted in internal awareness and critical reflexivity. Counselors must be aware of their biases and sociopolitical blind spots that might affect the therapeutic relationship. Multiculturally therapeutic relationships can be established using invitation for repair, as described by Malik Aqueel Raheem, Charles Myers and Scott Wickman in 2015.

Invitation for repair is acknowledging that overt and possibly covert differences in experiences exist between the mental health professional and the client. The invitation involves requesting that the client correct the counselor if the client feels that the counselor is not connecting or does not have empathy for the client’s intersectionality. Multicultural social justice principles exhort counselors to become more active advocates in addressing the institutional and environmental factors that influence client distress and trauma.

Spirituality and religion: A protective factor for many people of African descent is their connection between spirituality and psychological well-being. Research has shown that people of African descent are able to regulate and resolve distress through the practice of their spirituality or religious beliefs. Counselors should inquire about and create intervention opportunities that infuse these religious or spiritual norms. This approach will help to develop and maintain therapeutic alliance and efficacious therapeutic outcomes.

According to John Dillard, spirituality is a view of an individual’s place in the universe or a personal inclination or desire for a relationship with a transcendent power or God. Religion is an organized social means through which people express spiritual beliefs. Spirituality and religion do not necessarily have positive correlations for people of African descent. Spirituality can be experienced independent of religious contexts, and not all religions promote spirituality as part of their practices. However, many individuals of African descent are simultaneously religious and spiritual.

A majority of people of African descent identify as Christian from various religious microcultures of Christianity. There is also a movement toward infusing traditional African spirituality into some of their Christian practices. In addition, many in the African diaspora were from West African, and it is estimated that 30 percent of these Africans who were brought to the Americas were Muslim. In Islam, Sufism is the more mystical aspect of the religion. It is believed that the spiritual aspect of Sufism helps the Muslim to have a deeper and stronger connection with Allah (God). In 2018, scenes from the movie Black Panther depicted visitations to the “ancestral plane.” While in the ancestral plane, individuals could discuss issues with their ancestors. The belief that ancestors are ever-present and guiding forces is common among individuals of African descent. The tradition of libations (the ritual pouring of a liquid or other element to honor ancestors) or the West African practices of Vodun (more commonly known as Voodoo in the United States) may also be relevant for some clients of African descent.

Summary

As counselors work with individuals of African descent, acknowledgment of racism and oppressive structures that influence clients’ trauma experiences and trauma responses is vital to building therapeutic alliance. Interventions such as invitation for repair are most effective when used in the present moment of a psychological, affective or behavioral injury to the individual or the therapeutic relationship. Humanistic counseling approaches, including validation and implementation of relevant spiritual or religious practices, have also been shown to be effective for working with individuals of African descent.

 

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Knowledge Share articles are developed from sessions presented at American Counseling Association conferences.

Malik Aqueel Raheem has more than 10 years of clinical experience and seven years as a professional counselor educator at California State University, Fresno. Contact him at malik2xl@gmail.com.

Kimberly A. Hart focuses on multicultural inclusion as an area of counseling practice, counselor preparation and research. She provides presentations and training on mental health and intersectionality. Contact her at hartkimberly27@gmail.com.

 

Letters to the editor: ct@counseling.org

 

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Opinions expressed and statements made in articles appearing on CT Online should not be assumed to represent the opinions of the editors or policies of the American Counseling Association.

Addressing ethnic self-hatred in Latinx undergraduates

By Carlos P. Hipolito-Delgado September 3, 2018

When Europeans first made contact with the indigenous peoples of the Americas, a path toward Eurocentrism was set in the Western Hemisphere. In the years since the conquest and colonization of North America and the establishment of the United States, the cultural values and social policies of this country have favored people of Western European heritage.

Although the sociopolitical and cultural superiority of Europeans validates the experience of white Americans, these edicts render Latinx communities marginalized or invisible. What is worse, people of Latinx descent might come to accept the superiority of the white population. When this occurs, a person is said to have internalized racism.

In the 2006 article “Naming racism: A conceptual look at internalized racism in U.S. schools,” Lindsay Pérez Huber, Robin N. Johnson and Rita Kohli defined internalized racism as “the conscious and unconscious acceptance of a racial hierarchy in which whites are consistently ranked above People of Color. … It is the internalization of the beliefs, values and worldviews inherent in white supremacy.”

Internalized racism is thought to have negative physical and psychological consequences for people of color. Even so, the bulk of the research on internalized racism has focused on communities of African descent. Most of this research can be credited to Jerome Taylor, as either he conducted these studies or other researchers used his survey instrument, the Nadanolitization scale, to assess internalized racism.

Research studies have linked internalized racism in communities of African descent with increased abdominal fat, higher glucose levels and larger waist circumference, which are indicators of more serious health concerns. Additionally, internalized racism has been linked to marital dissatisfaction, increased depressive symptoms, increased stress, decreased self-esteem and decreased life satisfaction. In one of the few studies examining internalized racism in Latinx communities, I found that internalized racism was negatively related to ethnic identity development among Latinx undergraduates.

Although it appears that internalized racism has a negative impact on communities of color, we do not know why racism gets internalized. Two prominent theories are that 1) exposure to racism leads to its internalization and 2) acculturation to a racist society leads to the internalization of racist values. The exposure to racism hypothesis is largely grounded in social conditioning, in which repeated exposure to racism ultimately leads an individual to accept racist notions as truth. The acculturation hypothesis argues that by adopting the values of a racist society, the individual must accept racist notions in conjunction.

The research

Given the limited research on internalized racism in Latinx communities and the desire to better understand why racism is internalized, I undertook a study guided by two research questions:

1) Does exposure to racism predict the internalization of racism in Latinx undergraduates?

2) Does acculturation to U.S. society predict the internalization of racism in Latinx undergraduates?

(A quick note on usage of the word Latinx. Spanish is a gendered language with masculine and feminine pronouns; some readers might be more familiar with the usage of Latina and Latino, for example. To break from these gendered conventions and to be more inclusive of folks who do not identify strictly with one gender, scholars and activists have called for the usage of Latinx.)

Participants in this study were recruited from college Latinx student organizations. Using a variety of group email lists, I reached out to faculty and student advisers at two- and four-year colleges and universities and solicited their aid in recruiting potential participants. In total, 350 first-generation Latinx students participated in this study. These participants represented 93 universities from 29 states. All of the participants self-identified as Latinx. Furthermore, 75.7 percent of the participants identified as female, 20.6 percent identified as male, 0.3 percent identified as transgender and 1.1 percent identified as other (2.3 percent of participants declined to identify). The average age of participants was 21.81.

Participants completed an online survey consisting of the Everyday Discrimination Scale (EDS), the Abbreviated Multidimensional Acculturation Scale (AMAS) and the Mochihua Tepehuani scale. Furthermore, I used hierarchical linear regression in an attempt to answer my research questions regarding the cause of internalized racism. The Mochihua Tepehuani, a revised version of the Nadanolitization scale adapted to assess internalized racism in Latinx communities, acted as the criterion variable in the analysis. The EDS assessed exposure to racial discrimination. The AMAS was used to assess participants’ degree of acculturation to U.S. culture and values. Both exposure to racism and acculturation acted as predictor variables in this study.

Through hierarchical linear regression, I was able to assess the strength of the overall model with both exposure to racism and acculturation acting as predictors of internalized racism and the individual impact of the two predictor variables. Although the overall model was statistically significant, the amount of variance accounted for by this model was slight (R2 = .06, p < .001). This means that the relationship between the predictor and criterion variables is not likely due to chance, but that the predictive power of combined variables is small. Individually, exposure to racism (β = .14, p < .05) and acculturation (β = .20, p < .001) were significant predictors. In this case, a one standardized point change in exposure to racism or acculturation produced a .14 or .20 standardized point change, respectively, in the internalized racism scores of participants.

Based on these results, it appears that both research questions can be answered in the affirmative: Both exposure to racism and acculturation to U.S. society predict internalized racism in Latinx undergraduate students.

Interrupting racism’s impacts

Although most counselors might intuitively know that racism negatively affects Latinx undergraduates, the findings of this study provide empirical evidence of racism’s impacts. Furthermore, the impacts of racism — hurt feelings, a sense of exclusion and the like — are not fleeting. Rather, the impacts linger in the minds of Latinx undergraduates. Over time, the cumulative impacts of racist encounters can lead to the internalization of racism, ultimately steering Latinx undergraduates to conscious or unconscious acceptance of the cultural and intellectual superiority of whites.

To intervene in the internalization of racism, counselors are encouraged to help Latinx undergraduates talk through instances of discrimination. This begins with validating students’ perceptions that they have experienced racism. The challenge with processing incidences of discrimination is that racism can be subtle and subjective — as in the case of microaggressions. This inability to objectively say that a racist incident has occurred might lead some individuals to dismiss or downplay the incident.

Recently, I was working with a university student who shared a story of experiencing discrimination on campus. The student, uncertain of how to make sense of the event, shared her experience with a good friend, who immediately told her she was making a big deal out of nothing. After talking through these events with me, the student came to the realization that her friend’s reaction was more hurtful than the original discriminatory event had been. When processing an incidence of racism, it is important to remember that the perception of the event can be more important than the facts of the event. Therefore, a microaggression might not be a big deal for me as a Chicano counselor who has dealt with racism all of my life, but it could be a huge deal for a student who is experiencing racism for the first time. As such, we should take time to validate the perceptions of the student.

Another strategy I have found useful in helping Latinx undergraduates process incidences of discrimination is to examine the source of racist notions. Beverly Tatum (in her classic text Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria?) explained that biased thoughts are a product of limited information. From this perspective, bias is a product of the perpetrator’s ignorance; the person possesses limited information about the Latinx community and has made a gross generalization.

After talking through a student’s emotions surrounding an incident of discrimination, I will introduce Tatum’s perception of bias. My hope is for the student to realize that racism is not the student’s fault. It is not a reflection of the student’s culture or heritage, but instead is the product of a biased perpetrator and a racist society. This typically alleviates some of the student’s stress and allows the student to see the interaction in a new light.

Avoiding assimilation

The melting pot and other assimilationist notions can be viewed as an American ideal. Assimilation tends to gain popularity in communities of color during periods of heightened racism. Since the presidential election of 2016, Latinx communities have faced an onslaught of racist depictions by politicians and media outlets. This is especially true of the Mexican community, whose members have been described as drug dealers, rapists and murderers by President Donald Trump.

In an attempt to avoid racism and discrimination, Latinx parents might try to expedite assimilation in their children by promoting the adoption of traditional American cultural values and the abandonment of Latinx values. The belief is that Americanization will enable Latinx youth to pass as Americans and avoid racism. Alas, the promotion of assimilation leads to the portrayal of American culture as being superior to Latinx culture — the very definition of internalized racism described earlier.

Unfortunately, some Latinx individuals are overdetermined by their physical features; dark-skinned folks such as myself can never pass as Euro American. Regardless of attempts to assimilate, we will always be recognized for our cultural heritage. As such, an assimilationist upbringing can backfire if Latinx students experience rejection from their white peers for being too brown. These same students can then also be excluded by their Latinx peers for not being Latinx enough. In part for this reason, I encourage counselors to help Latinx families take a strength-based perspective on their cultural heritage and to look to biculturalism over assimilation.

Assimilationist notions also have a history in higher education. Respected higher education scholar Vincent Tinto described the need for students to assimilate to the college campus and leave the home culture behind to be successful and persist to graduation. Alas, campus climates are a reflection of Euro-American values. Higher education personnel who promote an assimilationist agenda of higher education success also promote notions of American cultural superiority, thus increasing the Americanization of Latinx undergraduates and, potentially, increasing the internalization of racism.

Fortunately, higher education scholars such as Sylvia Hurtado have recognized the flaws in Tinto’s early work and promoted models of student engagement that recognize the positive influence of cultural heritage, family and community. Furthermore, Hurtado and her colleagues have argued that assimilationist models do not accurately account for the success and persistence of students of color in higher education.

Based on the work of Hurtado, a multidimensional approach might be better for promoting the success of Latinx undergraduates and avoiding the internalization of racism. In a multidimensional approach, Latinx students are encouraged to retain their ethnic culture, remain engaged with cultural support systems and view culture as a resource in promoting their academic success. Similarly, undergraduates learn about the culture of their institution and the skills necessary for them to successfully navigate higher education. A significant body of research supports this multidimensional approach, but for this perspective to be successful, higher education personnel must recognize the value of traditional support systems.

A first step toward this is helping Latinx students recognize the value of their culture and heritage. This can include promotion of Latinx ethnic identity, such as exploring what it personally means to be Latinx and building connections with other Latinx students, for example. Positive Latinx ethnic identity is linked to increased persistence in higher education and higher GPA and might also block the internalization of racism.

Second, institutions of higher education can also work to affirm Latinx culture on campus. This includes holding cultural celebrations; recognizing the achievements of Latinx students, staff, faculty and community members; and providing space for Latinx students to study and socialize.

Finally, higher education personnel can find ways to collaborate with Latinx families and communities.

These combined interventions signal to Latinx students that their culture and community are of value, reducing the perceived superiority of whiteness and, subsequently, blocking the internalization of racism.

Conclusion

Although counselors might intuitively know that racism and internalized racism negatively affect Latinx undergraduates, the full impact of internalized racism will remain unknown until additional research is conducted. Within the context of higher education, it would be helpful to know how internalized racism influences academic performance and persistence. In addition, it would be helpful to know how internalized racism affects self-esteem, academic self-efficacy and depression. Finally, knowing how and why racism is internalized might lead to better strategies to interrupt this process.

Although additional research is needed on the topic of internalized racism in Latinx undergraduates, this study represents an important step in empirically documenting factors that lead to the internalization of racism. It is my hope that this article inspires counselors to consider the impacts of internalized racism and strategies that they might take to help Latinx undergraduates avoid internalized racism.

 

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Knowledge Share articles are developed from sessions presented at American Counseling Association conferences

Carlos P. Hipolito-Delgado is associate professor in counseling at the University of Colorado Denver. He researches the ethnic identity development of Chicanas/os and Latinas/os, the effects of internalized racism on students of color, the sociopolitical development of students of color and how to improve the cultural competence of counselors. He currently serves as the Association for Multicultural Counseling and Development representative on the ACA Governing Council and is the past chair of the ACA Foundation. Contact him at carlos.hipolito@ucdenver.edu or on Twitter @DrCarlosHD.

Letters to the editor: ct@counseling.org

 

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Opinions expressed and statements made in articles appearing on CT Online should not be assumed to represent the opinions of the editors or policies of the American Counseling Association.

 

Fried chicken, watermelon, addiction and Appalachia

By Gerard Grigsby February 8, 2018

Hearing jokes about watermelon and grape Kool-Aid. Hearing someone talk about their “half-colored” nephew’s “nappy” hair. Being called “boy.” This is what I experienced over the year that I led an addictions process group in rural Appalachia.

After working in the area for almost four years, I had grown accustomed to hearing these types of comments, but the straw that broke the camel’s back was a response made in group after one member shared that she was dating outside of her race for the first time.

This particular group member said that she was no longer interested in “full-blooded white men.”

“Yeah, you like him now, but wait until he blacks your eye,” another group member commented.

We were gathered outside on a warm, sunny spring day, but a storm cloud of mixed emotions swept over me as I sat there in disbelief. As the leader of the group and the only person of color among a group of eight, I was at a total loss for words. I had no idea how to address what had been said, and I was too overwhelmed to convey exactly what I thought or felt in that moment.

I knew I felt invisible. I knew I felt voiceless. But without any guidance, I struggled to determine what my response should be or whether it would even be appropriate to share what I was feeling. Ultimately, I chose to remain silent and let the moment pass as if nothing had happened, but the weight of what had transpired lingered with me long after our group meeting had ended.

By the time I arrived home that evening, my initial shock and disbelief had transformed into anger and disappointment. I had been really fond of the group member who made the offensive comment, so it stung to hear him perpetuate such a harmful stereotype about people of color. It didn’t help that he had made this comment after I had worked so hard to be understanding and sensitive to the needs of the group, especially considering that many members perceived that their backgrounds made them targets for judgment and mistreatment by law enforcement, family, friends and even other counselors.

I had also worked very hard not to perpetuate stereotypes about people who are in recovery from addiction, and I had avoided repeating the derogatory language that is often used to describe the people of Appalachia. What made matters worse is that just months prior, there was general consensus among the group that no one liked being called a “junkie” or an “addict,” especially by someone who has never used drugs. Clearly, these members knew what it was like to feel marginalized, so how could they allow someone in the group to make such a racially insensitive comment and not challenge him?

I went to bed that night still upset about what had happened and woke up the next day feeling even angrier. In fact, I thought about that incident for several days. I consulted with my supervisor and processed what it was like for me to have led the group that day. I shared the details of the incident with my colleagues in a separate supervision group. I spent hours brainstorming different ways to confront the group about what had happened. I thought to myself, “Maybe I should compile a list of derogatory terms, share them with the group and ask members what they think about culturally insensitive language. Maybe I should stop being so careful with my words and ask members how they feel when they’re on the receiving end of microaggressions!”

These ideas came from a wounded place in me. I had worked hard to protect my group members, and it hurt having to accept that they had not been as protective of me. Thankfully, ongoing self-examination helped me set aside my own baggage and reminded me that it would be harmful and unethical to prioritize my own needs over those of the group.

Instead, I did some more processing and eventually decided it was less important for me to get retribution and more important for me to leave the members with greater insight than they had before joining the group. I wanted to do something that would be meaningful and impactful for everyone in the group, including myself.

The next week, I sat everyone down and implemented a new group rule: Please be mindful of the diversity represented within the group. Without my having to confront him directly, the group member who had made the offensive comment the week before knew immediately why I had made this request and, to his credit, apologized for what he had said. Although I did not take the opportunity to share with the group exactly how his words had impacted me, the act of advocating for myself and others in the group was healing enough.

In fact, addressing diversity issues that day served as a critical moment for the group and opened the door for continued discussions about race, culture, sexual orientation and other aspects of multiculturalism. Just a few weeks later, for example, a group member made a comment about fried chicken, to which I lightheartedly responded, “Is this another racist joke?” To my relief, the group laughed, and we went on to have a productive conversation about ethnicity, regional diversity and similarities between Appalachian culture and African American culture.

In hindsight, I don’t know if I used the best approach to address diversity issues in my group, but I can look back and appreciate how that first challenging experience (there were others afterward) helped to shape my counseling philosophy and improve my group counseling skills. It taught me when and how to address diversity issues in groups, and it served as a reminder that multicultural issues are always relevant, even in an addictions process group in rural Appalachia.

 

My recommended resources

If you have been in a situation similar to mine, or would simply like more guidance on addressing diversity issues in addiction counseling groups, check out the following books:

  • Group Exercises for Addiction Counseling by Geri Miller (2012)

Miller describes two activities that can be used to address diversity issues in addiction counseling groups. My favorite of the two, “Sharing Culture,” is a dynamic group activity that facilitates engagement, information sharing and processing. I won’t provide any spoilers if you haven’t read the book, but just know that this activity involves yarn and sounds like a lot of fun.

  • Group Work Experts Share Their Favorite Activities for the Prevention and Treatment of Substance Use Disorders, published by the Association for Specialists in Group Work (2015), and edited by Christine Bhat, Yegan Pillay and Priscilla Selvaraj

This book is full of engaging activities for anyone interested in group work, but one activity in particular may be useful for practitioners who want to address diversity issues in group. Submitted by Beverly Goodwin and Lorraine Guth, this activity requires group participants to identify what they know about their own ethnic, racial or cultural group, and then consider how different aspects of their identity impact their recovery.

My own spin on this activity would involve an initial discussion about drug culture — its norms, unspoken rules, daily practices and common beliefs of which people may be unaware. I see this as a helpful way to set the stage for a broader discussion about culture and diversity. I also think it would be a useful way to help group members process the fact that they are indeed giving up certain aspects of a valued cultural system when they decide to start their recovery. This context can help enrich subsequent discussions about culture, assimilation and acculturation as members discuss the process of letting go of drug culture and embracing aspects of other cultural systems that may be less harmful.

 

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A version of this article was originally published in the December e-letter of the Association for Specialists in Group Work, a division of the American Counseling Association, and is used here with permission.

 

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Gerard Grigsby is a fourth-year doctoral student in the counselor education and supervision program at Ohio University. He is licensed as a professional counselor in Ohio and has worked in college counseling and community mental health settings. Currently, he works at a substance use treatment clinic, where he has the privilege of serving and learning from individuals in recovery. Contact him at ggrigsby@hrs.org.

 

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Opinions expressed and statements made in articles appearing on CT Online should not be assumed to represent the opinions of the editors or policies of the American Counseling Association.

Facing the realities of racism

By Laurie Meyers January 25, 2017

When Barack Obama was elected the first African American president of the United States in 2008, some optimistic observers thought that American society had finally reached a post-racial age. As the past two-plus years have highlighted vividly, however, the significance of race and the influence of racism on the American story are far from over.

“Electing a black man and then re-electing a black man for eight years was not going to undo almost 300 years of dysfunction,” says Courtland Lee, a past president of the American Counseling Association who has written extensively about multicultural, racial and social justice issues. “The presidency, unfortunately, plays right into how racism works in the country.”

Indeed, President Obama’s election spurred increased activity among white supremacists. However, white “backlash” was not limited to the far-right fringes of society.

“The [Obama] presidency was earth shattering in many ways. [It] tapped into many people’s deepest darkest fears about this country, the status quo and the fundamental way they thought the country should be,” Lee says. “Their worldview is that people like Obama shouldn’t be in power, which is why [Donald Trump’s campaign slogan] ‘Make American Great Again’ resonated.” Lee and other experts on race relations believe the underlying message of the campaign slogan was “Make America White Again.”

“There was a culmination of white reaction to the changing demographics in this country,” says Lee, a professor in the counselor educator program at the Chicago School of Professional Psychology’s Washington, D.C., campus. He points out that the United States continues to grow more racially diverse and is moving toward a time when whites will be in the minority.

Lee and other experts believe that the fear of this shift is one of the main reasons that anti-immigrant and racist viewpoints have become more publicly prevalent and acceptable, reaching a fever pitch during the 2016 presidential campaign. In the 10 days following the 2016 presidential election, the Southern Poverty Law Center, a nonprofit legal organization that uses legal action, education and advocacy to fight racism and bigotry, received almost 900 reports of bias-related incidents of harassment and intimidation as part of what it termed a “national outbreak of hate.”

“I think we have an environment where people feel comfortable with stereotypes,” says Lee, the author of Multicultural Issues in Counseling: New Approaches to Diversity. “People feel they have a license to act and speak out in very intolerant ways.”

In an atmosphere characterized by intolerance and strained race relations, what is a counselor’s responsibility? How can counselors help their clients and society at large cope with and fight against hatred and ignorance?

Uncovering implicit bias

Counselors should start by looking within, says Lance Smith, an ACA member whose research focus includes racial bias within the counseling profession. Despite the emphasis on diversity that is part of most counselors’ training, societal bias can still influence counselors, he notes.

“I think there’s a bit of hubris in the counseling profession that because we’re so well-trained in matters of personalization and we explore countertransference so rigorously that [racial bias isn’t] something that we have to worry about,” says Smith, an associate professor and school counseling coordinator within the University of Vermont counseling program.

Each year, Smith has all of the students in his classes take the Implicit Association Test on race, and he says that most exhibit an automatic bias in favor of white people. This doesn’t mean that most of his students — and most counselors in general — are not well-intentioned individuals who genuinely want to help others, he emphasizes. “Unfortunately, for most of us” — counselors and noncounselors alike — “white dominance has been downloaded into our software without our permission,” Smith says.

To overcome internal racial bias, counselors need to understand the “false binary” of racism, Smith says. “There’s this powerful notion in society that one is either racist — an ignorant, mean-spirited, Confederate flag-waving, card-carrying member of the KKK — or a good person. And, of course, most counselors know that they are good, moral, kind, beneficent people, so it follows that, by definition, they cannot be racist. Therefore,” he explains, “not only are they likely to fail to interrogate the ways in which they more subtly harm and microaggress their clients and students of color, but they are also likely to ignore, deny and therefore inadvertently support institutional forms of racism such as the school-to-prison pipeline and anti-affirmative action.”

“But racism, and all isms for that matter, are more complex,” Smith continues. “For most of us, it’s not a matter of if I’m racist, but rather how much. How many racist stereotypes do I subconsciously hold? How much do I unknowingly contribute to institutional racism? What are the microaggressions that I am more prone to commit? How much do I ignore white dominance? How much work do I need to do to break free from my segregated social bubble in order to develop authentic and genuine relationships with folks from targeted groups?”

Counselor and psychologist Derald Wing Sue, the author of such books as Race Talk and the Conspiracy of Silence and Microaggressions in Everyday Life: Race, Gender and Sexual Orientation, agrees that counselors — and society at large — need to talk about race and racism more openly. “The first step in being able to talk freely about race is understanding that no one is immune from … racial bias,” he says. The bias may very well be subconscious, he adds, but counselors and others need to be willing to admit the existence of that bias and be willing to make mistakes, even if that includes accidentally offending someone, to talk openly about racial issues.

Unfortunately, bias and racism in the counseling profession — conscious or unconscious — can have more tangible effects than simply stifling conversations. Smith was co-primary investigator of a study in the November 2016 issue of The Counseling Psychologist, “Is Allison More Likely Than Lakisha to Receive a Callback From Counseling Professionals? A Racism Audit Study,” that examined whether potential clients’ perceived racial backgrounds affected whether they received a callback after leaving a voice message requesting counseling services. For the study, an actor using fictitious and stereotypically African American or stereotypically white names left messages with counselors and psychologists inquiring about therapeutic services. Although the perceived racial background of the caller didn’t appear to significantly affect the callback rate, the study authors found that it did affect whether the counselor’s or psychologist’s callback tended to encourage the potential client to seek services. Potential clients named “Allison” were invited to have a phone conversation with the practitioner (an indication of encouragement to seek services) 63 percent of the time, whereas potential clients named “Lakisha” received a similar invitation only 51 percent of the time.

“The primary reason we did the study is that we’ve seen a disparity in mental health services for decades between African American populations and white populations,” Smith says. “But the dominant narrative in counseling has always been, ‘What’s going on with this help-seeking behavior? What is it about the African American community? Why do they not feel safe with us? Maybe it’s economics. Maybe they lack insurance. Maybe they don’t have access because there aren’t counselors in their neighborhood. Maybe African Americans prefer more direct styles of helping.’”

“There was all this discussion about the help-seeker behavior, but we didn’t turn the lens on ourselves,” he explains. “We [the study authors] were asking what are we potentially doing, as a field that is predominantly white, in terms of help-provider behavior that is contributing to the racial disparity in mental health services? I think turning that lens away from blaming the victim and toward ourselves as a field is a significant step that … we’re just starting to take, which also speaks to another element of systemic racism in the field.”

Educational bias

Bias in the counseling field begins in counselor education programs, asserts Cirecie West-Olatunji. She says that when she was serving as the president of ACA in 2013-2014, she was frequently approached at state counseling association conferences by students and counselor educators of color who felt “shut out.”

“I was meeting a lot of early career professionals, doctoral students, students who were nontraditional in any kind of way, who came to me and many times were in tears because they didn’t have anyone to talk to within their system [academic program],” she says. “They didn’t feel safe talking to their supervisors or doctoral chairs about a lot of microaggressions they had experienced with peers. They were having a really marginalized experience that was affecting their careers.”

West-Olatunji, an expert on traumatic stress, says that students and counselor educators of color can feel excluded from the academic community in numerous ways. For example, not being invited by their peers to collaborate on publications, not being assigned mentors and even not being invited to go out socially with colleagues or fellow students to lunch.

Academic bias also affects dissertation topics, contends West-Olatunji, an associate professor at Xavier University of Louisiana and director of the Center for Traumatic Stress Research. “[Doctoral students] want to investigate what is relative to their own experience. [If] they’re black, they want to write about the black experience,” she says. “Oftentimes, the faculty [member] is white and doesn’t relate or doesn’t believe the phenomenon” of the day-to-day experience of being a person of color.

Doctoral students of color are often left to decide whether to potentially alienate their doctoral advisers by insisting that their topics and personal experiences are valid, West-Olatunji says. Faced with the skepticism of experienced faculty members, doctoral students may even begin to doubt their own experiences, she adds. But even if doctoral students of color can convince their advisers to accept their dissertation topics, the question becomes whether advisers can help the students to research something effectively if the advisers don’t really believe in it in the first place, West-Olatunji says.

As a result, doctoral students may end up writing in a pejorative manner about their own experiences or even decide to set aside their chosen topics and tell themselves that they just want to learn how to conduct research, West-Olatunji says. And once these students of color have earned their doctorates and gone on to become professors, West-Olatunji says, they still encounter statements such as, “You won’t get tenure if you write about black people that way.” As a result, she says, they are discouraged from writing about topics that are personally relevant to them. This in turn affects the quality and quantity of research available that addresses the experiences of people of color, she explains.

Experiences such as those West-Olatunji describes may also be influencing the racial gap in the counseling profession. This is something that Smith has researched in the past.

“We were looking at the disparity in white-identified therapists in the field and people of color as counselors in the field,” Smith says of a study that he co-authored in 2011. “We looked at disparities amongst white faculty in CACREP [Council for Accreditation of Counseling & Related Educational Programs] programs and people of color in CACREP programs. Of course we weren’t surprised to find that there was a significant racial disparity in terms of the population of African Americans in society and the population of people of color who were moving through counseling programs.”

This reality is potentially harmful for people of color who might be more comfortable seeking services from counselors of color, Smith points out. “And yet, we’re not doing our jobs in higher education to recruit, train and graduate counselors of color,” he says.

Fear factors

The backlash that Lee spoke about is engendering a significant level of fear in communities across the country. There is a sense among people of color, Sue adds, that the equality they have fought for and the progress they have made in the past 50 years is at risk of being taken away. As a result, many feel unsafe, depressed, angry and powerless, he says.

Patricia Arredondo, a former president of ACA, agrees. Currently a visiting professor of counseling and counseling psychology at Arizona State University, she says that everywhere she goes, people are talking to her about their fears post-election. “Everyone is very aware that if you are Latino or Latina, you are targeted, regardless of birthplace — people who are undocumented or documented,” she says. “The discussion about [building] the border wall is something that affects all of us.”

There is a hypersensitivity and a sense of high anxiety in the Latino community, particularly among families who fear being separated by deportation, Arredondo continues. “Children are afraid that their parents are going to be deported. Counselors have to recognize that this is a real experience for kids and families, not abstract,” she emphasizes.

This increased sense of fear compounds the pre-existing trauma that many people of color live with. “People feel unsafe in the current political climate, not because of one political view but because there has been an increase in hate crimes,” West-Olatunji says. “This is on top of ongoing trauma. It causes problems thinking — thinking is jumbled, we have a hard time making decisions and problems with concentration and focusing. We are constantly managing emotions instead of attending to business at hand.”

Counselors may look at this witches’ brew of problems — a climate of intolerance, hate incidents, increased fear among targeted populations, and lifelong and intergenerational trauma among people of color — and wonder how they can possibly make a difference. Lee says it starts first and foremost with the client. That involves treating the trauma that marginalized clients experience but also getting out into the community and talking to people about the challenges they face and how counselors can help them cope.

“There is a disconnect between academia and what’s really happening in the real world — a disconnect between what counselors learn and what’s happening,” he says.

For instance, Lee says, academia has done a good job of putting together multicultural competencies that serve as guidelines for what it means to be a “culturally competent” counselor. But the competencies aren’t very useful in the field, he says, and practitioners need more than academic standards of cultural competence. They need to understand the trauma that results from police brutality and living in oppressed neighborhoods or what it’s like to live paycheck to paycheck and work multiple jobs simply to get by, he says. This returns to counselors getting out of the office and into the community to talk with people — not just “clients” — about real-world issues.

Arredondo, co-author of Culturally Responsive Counseling With Latinas/os agrees. “I tell my students that book knowledge is limited. You have to read the papers. You have to know what the policies are in the state or city you are in that have an effect on the well-being of clients. [This is] knowledge that you may need to support your clients,” she says.

For instance, Arredondo explains, counselors who are working with Latino populations should know stress reduction techniques that they can share with these clients, but they should also be aware of any community resources that these clients might need, such as Latino community organizations or immigration lawyers for undocumented clients.

Being a part of the community

Beyond doing direct work with clients, counselors can also help their larger communities to address issues of race and racial tensions, Lee says. For example, counselors could make themselves available to facilitate dialogue between civilians and the local police force, he says. “There is a lot of miscommunication between citizens and the police force. I think it would be wonderful if ACA had a training initiative for police forces on not only cultural competency, but just helping police to develop communication and helping skills.” (For a related story, see “Bridging the divide between police and the public,” December 2016.)

Smith also envisions a larger societal role for counselors when it comes to addressing issues of race and racism. “School counselors need to be at the school board advocating for anti-racism curriculum in their schools,” he says. “Clinical mental health counselors need to be on state boards of mental health to ensure that their state licensure includes these robust competencies about anti-racism. Counselors who have research skills need to be engaged with the sheriff’s department and the local police department, helping them to gather data on racial disparities in the community.”

As a whole, counselors need to get out of their offices and into their communities to fight the forces of intolerance because those injustices are part of what is driving clients to their doors, Smith says. “Individual one-on-one traditional counseling is not sufficient to interrupt these systemic biases,” he asserts. “In this age of emerging intolerance where it’s now once again socially and publicly accepted to be an overt bigot, we need to raise our game as counselors.”

Sue, a member of ACA, says that individual counselors need not fear going it alone. “Get a support group — other counselors and co-workers who feel similarly,” he says. “The issue is really to begin to empower yourself. Have meetings where you invite various speakers, educate yourself, build a support group and then begin to talk about strategies.”

“Say you work in a school system that has systems or policies that are unfair to people of color,” Sue continues. “Doing it [making a change] by yourself is impossible. Identify people in the school who may share your beliefs and then make a group presentation to the principal or faculty. There really is an out-of-office strategy. It’s viewing the client not so much as the students who come in to you for help, but the client is now the school system or school district. It is the school system that is causing harm. You are being proactive. When you do counseling, it’s primarily reacting and fixing damage, but if you are proactive and take action against the system, you have won a big victory.”

West-Olatunji views the recent U.S. presidential election as a wake-up call to racial issues in America. “Counselors need to be speaking out about truths. We need to talk about a lot of things,” she says. “There is an argument about whether or not counselors should engage [in political debate]. Put that to rest. People are being harmed, and we don’t have to wait until they come into our offices” to help them.

 

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Additional resources

To learn more about the topics discussed in this article, take advantage of the following select resources offered by the American Counseling Association:

Counseling Today (ct.counseling.org)

Practice briefs (counseling.org/knowledge-center/practice-briefs)

  • “Racial Microaggressions” by Cirleen DeBlaere, Terrence A. Jordan II & David G. Zelaya

Books & DVDs (counseling.org/publications/bookstore)

  • Counseling for Multiculturalism and Social Justice: Integration, Theory and Application, fourth edition, by Manivong J. Ratts and Paul B. Pedersen
  • Multicultural Issues in Counseling: New Approaches to Diversity, fourth edition, by Courtland C. Lee
  • Culturally Responsive Counseling With Latinas/os by Patricia Arredondo, Maritza Gallardo-Cooper, Edward A. Delgado-Romero and Angela L. Zapata
  • Experiential Activities for Teaching Multicultural Competence in Counseling, edited by Mark Pope, Joseph S. Pangelinan and Angela D. Coker
  • Latino Worldviews in Counseling (DVD in Spanish with English subtitles), hosted by Patricia Arredondo and Jon Carlson

Webinars (counseling.org/continuing-education/webinars)

  • “Why does culture matter? Isn’t counseling just counseling regardless?” with Courtland C. Lee

Podcasts (counseling.org/knowledge-center/podcasts)

  • “Counseling African American Males Post Ferguson” with Tony Spann
  • “Understanding the Ferguson, MO Crisis: A Counselor’s Perspective” with
    Ken Oliver
  • “Multiculturalism and Diversity: What is the Difference? Is Not Counseling … Counseling? Why Does It Matter?” with Courtland C. Lee

ACA divisions

Competencies (counseling.org/knowledge-center/competencies)

  • Multicultural and Social Justice Counseling Competencies

 

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Laurie Meyers is the senior writer for Counseling Today. Contact her at lmeyers@counseling.org.

Letters to the editor: ct@counseling.org

 

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